What Are We Gonna Do Now: A Framework for Defeating the Trump-Musk Regime, Part 3
Building transnational civil society based movements and reimagining American democracy are essential parts of the strategy for defeating this regime.
In part one of this series, I explored the question of whether the Trump-Musk regime is simply doing politics as usual, and argued that if this the case than all that is really needed to defeat them is a sound electoral strategy. In part two, I outlined some of the strategic approaches we need to pursue if, as I believe, the Trump-Musk regime is seeking to meaningfully remake the American regime.
In part three I will explain the remaining two components of that strategy. I am displaying the flowchart again as it summarizes my thinking on this as well as, what I believe to be the seven key strategies. Again, this work should be understood as a framework, a way of thinking about what we need to do, but it is not a comprehensive plan.
Transnational Civil Society Networks-The Trump-Musk regime is part of a transnational fascist movement and has already both aligned itself with Moscow and other nodes of that movement and benefitted electorally from those relationships. Additionally, Musk, Vance, Steve Bannon and other key MAGA figures have cultivated ties to fascist parties and movements around the world. In short, the fascist movement has already been globalized, and the democracy movement must do the same.
Donald Trump’s narrow, but clear, victory in 2024, and the political crises throughout much of the once democratic world mean that there are no longer any powerful states that can be depended upon to be bulwarks against fascism. That is one reason why comparisons to the 1930s, while well-intentioned and not without some merit, are sometimes unhelpful. During those years, the fight against fascism was, with some exceptions such as Spain, between different states. Today is is internal to many states. Accordingly, the frontlines of the fight against global fascism include Ukraine, but also Arizona, Wisconsin and other American states.
To defeat this transnational fascist movement it is essential to build transnational civil society networks, not between governments but among democracy activists and organizations globally. These networks will make it possible to share information and strategies, create alternative tech and media organizations and to coordinate actions across borders. For decades much of this was supported by US funded organizations such as USAID or the NED. Although those groups have been dismantled, the networks and relationships they created still exist and can be used by democracy activists.
Opponents of the Trump-Musk regime here in the US will be stronger and smarter if we are able to build relationships and receive guidance and advice from democracy activists in other countries. The movement that defeats global fascism must be global in nature. Americans who still believe in democracy must recognize that and begin strengthening those global networks.
Reimagining American Democracy-The United States that the world knew, and the American democracy with all its obvious, and sometimes almost crippling, flaws that we the American people knew, from roughly 1945 through 2015 no longer exists. For many, that is a difficult thing to accept, but recognizing that is absolutely essential. During those years, American democracy expanded and became more inclusive, although that process slowed down beginning, depending on how you choose to count, sometime around 1980 or possibly 2000.
Over the last decade that has changed drmaticallyStarting in 2015, when Donald Trump announced his candidacy for the White House, American politics shifted. What had been for decades a hard-fought fight between left and right, or more accurately center-left and an increasingly far-right, within, broadly speaking, a democratic system, became a battle between democracy and, as it became increasingly clear, fascism. In other words, since 2015 a fascist movement has been growing in popularity and now has control over the entire federal government.
Accordingly, a central task of the opposition is to begin thinking about what happens after Trump because are not able, even if we desire, to go back to a country that no longer exists. Accordingly, the next iteration of American democracy will look quite different from its pre-2015 incarnation.
The fascists have a vision for post-democratic America. We need a vision for American democracy 2.0. Reimagining American democracy is a bold exercise that will push all of us to thinking about what America can be and gives us something to struggle for, rather than just against. If we don’t take that on, we fall into what might be called the Saint of Circumstance trap of working very hard, without have a clear sense of the goal.
The central task we face is not just ridding the US of the fascist ascendancy led by Trump and Musk, but also of building a real and enduring democracy. An American democracy where all voters have an equal say, the role of money is severely restrained and that reckons with the reality of our violent and racist history will change everything and begin to address the deep economic and social problems in America that immiserate millions and push too many of them into the deceptively warm embrace of fascism.
These seven strategies are all essential and all need to be fleshed out more, but it is my hope that I have provided at least a way of thinking about what we can do. A key point to remember, if indeed what is happening is not normal, is that while a democratic government can be defeated by a simple majority of the voters, non-democratic regimes generally only need to hold on to about a third of the voters to survive-because they don’t allow free and fair elections and don’t leave office when they lose them.
Accordingly, the emphasis here must be on building as broad a movement as possible and thinking beyond the narrow constraints of electoral strategy, because the goal is to politically dismantle the MAGA fascist movement, not simply defeat it by a slim margin at the polls.
I agree that we need a strategy that recognizes the multiple fronts with tactics appropriate to the complexity of the challenge. The Fulbright program, and other educational exchange outfits, and the aid programs that will lose funding, need our support as never before going forward.